1. 妄想代理人 (paranoia agent)

    this short opening clip immediately establishes that this anime does not fuck around.

     
  2. 18:40

    Notes: 32

    Former CIA chief and defense secretary Leon Panetta says US war plans against North Korea involve the use of nuclear weapons should communist forces pour across the demilitarized zone (DMZ), dividing North and South Korea.

    In his new memoir “Worthy Fights,” Panetta recalls a 2010 briefing in Seoul by General Walter L. “Skip” Sharp, the commander of US forces in South Korea, who apprised him of the plans, according to Newsweek.

    “If North Korea moved across the border, our war plans called for the senior American general on the peninsula to take command of all U.S. and South Korea forces and defend South Korea— including by the use of nuclear weapons, if necessary,” the former Pentagon chief writes.

    well now aint that just real reassuring

     
  3. has no one at the Blue House heard of the term “Barbra Streisand effect” ??

     
  4. 02:44 9th Oct 2014

    Notes: 2

    Tags: good night

    김트리오 - 그대여 안녕히

     
  5. 18:21 7th Oct 2014

    Notes: 25

    i was chatting with my mother about suicides by abused soldiers in the army, as well as a female intern who hung herself upon being fired after enduring routine sexual violence at work on the promise of being promoted to a permanent position. her reaction, for both stories, was “meh. kids these days are so feeble and weak-willed.”

    shocked and disgusted as i was by her matter-of-fact reaction, i’ve recently been thinking about my parents and their generation.

    they were around 8~11 years old when the war broke out. they grew up surrounded by not only crushing poverty but an everyday atmosphere of barbarity. townfolk captured by NK forces would face summary executions for being “reactionary”. after a few weeks, SK forces would recapture the village and again massacre villagers for “collaborating with the enemy”. loved ones were routinely and senselessly raped / tortured / murdered.

    i think this kind of shared experience might have permanently broken something inside of them. and having spent the majority of their lifetime living under a brutal dictatorship while making a living and raising their children, they’ve completely internalized the rhetoric of “do what you have to do” and “staying out of trouble”.

    from their point of view, complaining about sexual harassment, low pay, precarious work, physical violence at school / work / military, etc. are all, essentially, trivial whining. the only thing that matters for them is what North Korea is up to. NK becomes the gold standard against which everything that happens in SK is measured. so any “excessive” demand for human rights, civility, or decency are a luxury at best an impediment to economic growth at worst. 

    demographically, older people will take up a larger and larger share of the population. meanwhile, the younger generation who grew up during the post-1998 financial collapse, who’ve never experienced the totalitarian repression of the 70s and 80s, are drawn more and more toward a romanticized notion of a “strong nation”. 

    this is why i’m pessimistic.

     
  6. 23:14 6th Sep 2014

    Notes: 22

    Reblogged from lostintrafficlights

    tw-koreanhistory:

    A. Bodies of some 400 Korean civilians lie in and around trenches in Taejon’s prison yard during the KoreanWar, Sept. 28, 1950. The victims were bound and slain by retreating Communist forces before the 24th U.S. Division troops recaptured the city Sept. 28. Witnesses said that the prisoners were forced to dig their own trench graves before the slaughter. Looking on, at left, is Gordon Gammack, war correspondent of the Des Moines Register and Tribune. (AP Photo/James Pringle)

    B.  In this photo released by South Korea Truth and Reconciliation Commission, prisoners are sen before their execution by troops in Taejon in 1950. (AP Photo/South Korea Truth and Reconciliation Commission. HO) [Tuesday, December 04, 2007 3:03 PM] This U.S. Army photograph, once classified “top secret,” is one of a series depicting the summary execution of 1,800 South Korean political prisoners by the South Korean military at Taejon, South Korea, over three days in July 1950. Historians and survivors claim South Korean troops executed many civilians behind frontlines as U.N. forces retreated before the North Korean army in mid-1950, on suspicion that they were communist sympathizers and might collaborate with the advancing enemy. The photo was located at the U.S. National Archives. (AP Photo/National Archives, Major Abbott/U.S. Army) [Monday, June 05, 2000 9:34 AM]

    C. In this July 1950 U.S. Army file photograph once classified “top secret,” South Korean soldiers walk among some of the thousands of South Korean political prisoners shot at Taejon, South Korea, early in the Korean War. Shutting down its inquiry into South Korea’s hidden history, a government commission investigating a century of human rights abuses will leave unexplored scores of suspected mass graves believed to hold remains of tens of thousands of South Korean political detainees summarily executed by their government early in the Korean War, sometimes as U.S. officers watched. In a political about-face, the commission, which also investigated the U.S. military’s large-scale killing of Korean War refugees, has ruled the Americans in case after case acted out of military necessity. (AP Photo/National Archives, Major Abbott/U.S. Army, File) [Saturday, July 10, 2010 8:30 AM]

    D. Rice production keeps Korean farmers busy from dawn to dusk. Wading knee deep in their water filled paddy, these two farmers transplant the tender seedlings from the paddy proper to a field, in long, straight rows about 6 inches apart in South Korea on Oct. 6, 1947. Agriculture claims over 85% of South Korea’s population. (AP Photo)

     
  7. image: Download

    exercise 12-8 from Spivak’s Calculus (3rd ed.)
this book understands you.

    exercise 12-8 from Spivak’s Calculus (3rd ed.)

    this book understands you.

     
  8. 02:11 4th Sep 2014

    Notes: 426

    Reblogged from historicaltimes

    image: Download

    historicaltimes:

3,000 men who helped build the 810 ft high Chase Manhattan Bank in New York City stand in the window spaces of the building near the end of the constructional work. August 1964.

    historicaltimes:

    3,000 men who helped build the 810 ft high Chase Manhattan Bank in New York City stand in the window spaces of the building near the end of the constructional work. August 1964.

     
  9. 19:55 2nd Sep 2014

    Notes: 19

    Reblogged from dagwolf

    It took Perlstein over 800 pages to write a history of four years because so many disturbing things happened during those years. The President spied on American citizens for political gain, got caught, and then repeatedly lied to the nation. His successor almost immediately pardoned him. Left-wing extremists kidnapped a beautiful young heiress, who then seemingly joined forces with her abductors in waging guerrilla war against the capitalist war machine.

    White conservatives in Boston violently protested busing, and white conservatives in West Virginia violently protested multicultural textbooks. In response to US and European support for Israel in the Yom Kippur War, OPEC issued an oil embargo that resulted in skyrocketing gas prices and shortages. The economy suffered from both inflation and a recession, defying the expectations of Keynesian economists everywhere. New York City went bankrupt. And thanks to suspicious journalists and emboldened politicians, Americans discovered that assassinating foreign leaders was a viable option in the CIA playbook. Weird and frightening times.

    But were those years in American history uniquely weird and frightening?

    Several periods in American history are suitable for the Perlstein treatment. Imagine a Perlstein book on the years immediately following World War I. Coming on the heels of the Great War, which killed millions of people, and the Russian Revolution, which brought communists to power in a nation that spanned nine time zones, European-style unrest seemed to have landed on American shores.

    A general strike in Seattle and several bombings set off by anarchists, including one on Wall Street that killed dozens, led to the deportation of over 500 anarchists, socialists, and communists. Which all happened the same year that several members of the Chicago White Sox conspired to fix the World Series, besmirching the beloved national pastime.

    In the half-decade that followed, the Ku Klux Klan grew by the hundreds of thousands in urbanizing northern cities, the secretary of the interior was the subject of sensational congressional hearings about how he accepted bribes from oil companies in exchange for cheap leases on land in Wyoming, and the small town of Dayton, Tennessee attracted the gaze of the nation when it put a biology teacher on trial for teaching evolution. Weird and frightening times.

    The point is not to claim that things never change. But to rely on weird and frightening events to explain historical change in a weird and frightening nation like the United States — made all the more weird and frightening by the deeply embedded engines of capitalism and evangelical Christianity — is not the most effective way to frame an historical argument. Perlstein needs a better theory.

    The years during and after the 1960s were a transformative period in American history because the cluster of social norms that had long governed American life began to give way to a new openness to different ideas, identities, and articulations of what it meant to be an American. The radical political mobilizations of the 1960s — civil rights, Black and Chicano Power, feminism, gay liberation, the antiwar movement, the legal push for secularization — destabilized the America that millions knew.

    Add to that the world-changing power of an increasingly deregulated capitalism, and the forces of modernity, long bubbling beneath the surface of American culture, were unleashed. In response, conservative, traditional, normative Americans fought back with a vengeance.

    Perlstein hints around the edges of this more encompassing theory of recent American historical transformation. He writes about how the suspicious circles were invested in “unsettling ossified norms.” And yet such analytical clarity gets lost in Perlstein’s manic narrative about Americans collectively losing their minds.

    Perhaps this is by design. Perlstein’s unspoken assumption seems to be that sane people would never have elected Ronald Reagan their president. Americans did it twice.

     
  10. 17:04

    Notes: 1

    OSAKA – The Hiroshima Prefectural Police said Wednesday they had no information to substantiate online rumors that foreigners were burglarizing houses in areas of the city hit hardest by last week’s deadly mudslides.

    No suspects had been arrested on suspicion of burglarizing, as of Tuesday. However, the police said that due to the rumors, they were beefing up patrols in the affected areas.

    Rumors about foreign burglars began circulating on Twitter and social media sites that espouse right-wing and often xenophobic views, soon after the heavy rains hit parts of the city on Aug. 20, leaving 70 people dead in mudslides and forcing about 1,300 people from their homes.

    time to brush up on the “十五円五十銭” pronunciation…

     
  11. 12:33 1st Sep 2014

    Notes: 3

    i don’t watch TV. i don’t listen to kpop. i don’t know who 혜리 is.

    but how the fuck is watching females get CS’ed in a militarized setting considered ‘entertainment’???  just looking at a screencap of that program makes me thoroughly disgusted. 

     
  12. 18:22 28th Aug 2014

    Notes: 8

    Reblogged from lostintrafficlights

    Tags: korean history

     
  13. 14:00

    Notes: 3639

    Reblogged from 768110

    image: Download

    andreii-tarkovsky:

in the mood for clean! 

    andreii-tarkovsky:

    in the mood for clean! 

    (Source: romiaspirina)

     
  14. 20:56 25th Aug 2014

    Notes: 97

    Reblogged from annadoeskorea

    annadoeskorea:

    This past year has seen tensions over history between Japan and South Korea running exceptionally high, with no end yet in sight. However, while Seoul continues to criticize Tokyo for its failure to come clean over its historical atrocities, South Korea struggles with history problems of its own.

    Before and during the Korean War, the South Korean army and semi-official militias were responsible for massacres in which hundreds of thousands of civilians and political prisoners perished. Some work has been done under past governments to uncover the truth and restore the honor of the victims, but the memory of the massacres remains highly contentious and divisive. Many South Koreans do not even know they happened, and some deny they ever took place.

    This history battle goes back to the period between liberation from Japanese rule and the start of the Korean War, when the Korean peninsula was a hotbed of political struggle. Before and during the war, hundreds of thousands of civilians and suspected communists were massacred by the South Korean army and anti-communist guerilla groups. In cases like the Jeju, Yeosu and Sunchon massacres, operations aimed at suppressing communist insurgents led to the deaths of thousands of civilians. In the largest case, the Bodo League Massacre, between 100,000 and 200,000 innocent people and suspected communist sympathizers were killed in an organized effort by the state. 

    For a long time, families of the victims kept silent out of fear as being branded as “reds” by the state if they spoke up. Under the rule of liberal president Roh Moo-hyun, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was formed in 2005 despite heavy opposition from conservative groups and politicians. The commission gave many families official recognition by concluding that the death of their relative had indeed been unlawful.

    However, many conservatives criticized the commission’s work, and saw it as a tool for political campaigning directed against them. In his book The War With Memory, Kim Dong-choon, one of the former commissioners, describes how conservative groups and media outlets consistently tried to undermine their efforts. The Lee Myung-bak administration disbanded the commission when its mandate expired in 2010, but many claim that much work still remains to be done.

    “Little has happened since the [commission] disbanded, except that Presidents Lee and Park and their supporters pretend that none of this happened, not the investigation, not the massacres,” Bruce Cumings, professor of history at the University of Chicago told me in an email interview. As of this summer, victim’s families are still conducting excavations of mass graves from the massacres, on their own accord, without government support.

    Despite the commission’s work, the massacres remain left out of much of the official historical narrative. Many South Koreans have barely even heard of the massacres, which are often excluded completely from school history lessons.

    When visiting the Korean War Memorial Museum in Seoul this summer, I was unable to find even a single word about the massacres, in English or Korean. Events such as the Jeju and the Yeosu massacres are still described only in terms of communist rebellions that were quashed. Park Geun-hye’s former nominee for prime minister, Moon Chang-keuk, is among those who have claimed that the Jeju Massacre was merely a communist uprising.

    These are only a few of many examples of how the memory of the massacres is distorted or denied. Choe Hung-san is the South Korea correspondent for New York Times. In 2000, he won a Pulitzer Prize for his uncovering of the No Gun Ri Massacre during the Korean War. He has long followed how the memory of the massacres is treated in South Korea, and paints a bleak picture when I meet him in Seoul.

    “I think conservatives just wanted to shut down the commission, he says. I don’t think conservatives are willing to do more than pay lip service these days, and there have been attempts by conservative activists and newspapers to redefine the Jeju Massacre and other incidents. “

    Even in the heyday of the formal reconciliation work, the commission’s findings never garnered much attention.

    “It never really became a hot issue. Mainstream media didn’t pay much attention to the work of the commission, partly because the top mainstream newspapers are all conservative.”

    For many in the older generation, says Choe, the massacres are still a vivid memory, but the younger generation doesn’t know much about them.

    “History books don’t really teach young people about these ideologically sensitive issues, and there has been a systematic campaign by conservative scholars to stop so-called ‘progressive’ textbooks in schools. I don’t even think textbooks that ‘liberals’ approve of go into much depth about the massacres.”

    Just as in the history debacle between Japan and Korea, textbooks are a focal point in South Korea’s history battles. In an email interview, former commissioner Kim Dong-choon agrees, and says that the report of the commission was never used to feed into textbooks used in schools. The Lee Myung-bak government, he claims, instead revised textbooks in the opposite direction, to include even less information about events such as the massacres.

    Anyone know where I can find ‘The War With Memory’? Google only leads me back to this article. Is it the Korean title?

    here’s a link to the aladin page: http://www.aladin.co.kr/shop/wproduct.aspx?ISBN=8958286806

    the book’s called “이것은 기억과의 전쟁이다” (this is a war against memory)  dunno if there’s an english translation though

    (Source: dagwolf)

     
  15. 14:28

    Notes: 97

    Reblogged from dagwolf

    This past year has seen tensions over history between Japan and South Korea running exceptionally high, with no end yet in sight. However, while Seoul continues to criticize Tokyo for its failure to come clean over its historical atrocities, South Korea struggles with history problems of its own.

    Before and during the Korean War, the South Korean army and semi-official militias were responsible for massacres in which hundreds of thousands of civilians and political prisoners perished. Some work has been done under past governments to uncover the truth and restore the honor of the victims, but the memory of the massacres remains highly contentious and divisive. Many South Koreans do not even know they happened, and some deny they ever took place.

    This history battle goes back to the period between liberation from Japanese rule and the start of the Korean War, when the Korean peninsula was a hotbed of political struggle. Before and during the war, hundreds of thousands of civilians and suspected communists were massacred by the South Korean army and anti-communist guerilla groups. In cases like the Jeju, Yeosu and Sunchon massacres, operations aimed at suppressing communist insurgents led to the deaths of thousands of civilians. In the largest case, the Bodo League Massacre, between 100,000 and 200,000 innocent people and suspected communist sympathizers were killed in an organized effort by the state. 

    For a long time, families of the victims kept silent out of fear as being branded as “reds” by the state if they spoke up. Under the rule of liberal president Roh Moo-hyun, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was formed in 2005 despite heavy opposition from conservative groups and politicians. The commission gave many families official recognition by concluding that the death of their relative had indeed been unlawful.

    However, many conservatives criticized the commission’s work, and saw it as a tool for political campaigning directed against them. In his book The War With Memory, Kim Dong-choon, one of the former commissioners, describes how conservative groups and media outlets consistently tried to undermine their efforts. The Lee Myung-bak administration disbanded the commission when its mandate expired in 2010, but many claim that much work still remains to be done.

    “Little has happened since the [commission] disbanded, except that Presidents Lee and Park and their supporters pretend that none of this happened, not the investigation, not the massacres,” Bruce Cumings, professor of history at the University of Chicago told me in an email interview. As of this summer, victim’s families are still conducting excavations of mass graves from the massacres, on their own accord, without government support.

    Despite the commission’s work, the massacres remain left out of much of the official historical narrative. Many South Koreans have barely even heard of the massacres, which are often excluded completely from school history lessons.

    When visiting the Korean War Memorial Museum in Seoul this summer, I was unable to find even a single word about the massacres, in English or Korean. Events such as the Jeju and the Yeosu massacres are still described only in terms of communist rebellions that were quashed. Park Geun-hye’s former nominee for prime minister, Moon Chang-keuk, is among those who have claimed that the Jeju Massacre was merely a communist uprising.

    These are only a few of many examples of how the memory of the massacres is distorted or denied. Choe Hung-san is the South Korea correspondent for New York Times. In 2000, he won a Pulitzer Prize for his uncovering of the No Gun Ri Massacre during the Korean War. He has long followed how the memory of the massacres is treated in South Korea, and paints a bleak picture when I meet him in Seoul.

    “I think conservatives just wanted to shut down the commission, he says. I don’t think conservatives are willing to do more than pay lip service these days, and there have been attempts by conservative activists and newspapers to redefine the Jeju Massacre and other incidents. “

    Even in the heyday of the formal reconciliation work, the commission’s findings never garnered much attention.

    “It never really became a hot issue. Mainstream media didn’t pay much attention to the work of the commission, partly because the top mainstream newspapers are all conservative.”

    For many in the older generation, says Choe, the massacres are still a vivid memory, but the younger generation doesn’t know much about them.

    “History books don’t really teach young people about these ideologically sensitive issues, and there has been a systematic campaign by conservative scholars to stop so-called ‘progressive’ textbooks in schools. I don’t even think textbooks that ‘liberals’ approve of go into much depth about the massacres.”

    Just as in the history debacle between Japan and Korea, textbooks are a focal point in South Korea’s history battles. In an email interview, former commissioner Kim Dong-choon agrees, and says that the report of the commission was never used to feed into textbooks used in schools. The Lee Myung-bak government, he claims, instead revised textbooks in the opposite direction, to include even less information about events such as the massacres.