1. 19:55 2nd Sep 2014

    Notes: 14

    Reblogged from dagwolf

    It took Perlstein over 800 pages to write a history of four years because so many disturbing things happened during those years. The President spied on American citizens for political gain, got caught, and then repeatedly lied to the nation. His successor almost immediately pardoned him. Left-wing extremists kidnapped a beautiful young heiress, who then seemingly joined forces with her abductors in waging guerrilla war against the capitalist war machine.

    White conservatives in Boston violently protested busing, and white conservatives in West Virginia violently protested multicultural textbooks. In response to US and European support for Israel in the Yom Kippur War, OPEC issued an oil embargo that resulted in skyrocketing gas prices and shortages. The economy suffered from both inflation and a recession, defying the expectations of Keynesian economists everywhere. New York City went bankrupt. And thanks to suspicious journalists and emboldened politicians, Americans discovered that assassinating foreign leaders was a viable option in the CIA playbook. Weird and frightening times.

    But were those years in American history uniquely weird and frightening?

    Several periods in American history are suitable for the Perlstein treatment. Imagine a Perlstein book on the years immediately following World War I. Coming on the heels of the Great War, which killed millions of people, and the Russian Revolution, which brought communists to power in a nation that spanned nine time zones, European-style unrest seemed to have landed on American shores.

    A general strike in Seattle and several bombings set off by anarchists, including one on Wall Street that killed dozens, led to the deportation of over 500 anarchists, socialists, and communists. Which all happened the same year that several members of the Chicago White Sox conspired to fix the World Series, besmirching the beloved national pastime.

    In the half-decade that followed, the Ku Klux Klan grew by the hundreds of thousands in urbanizing northern cities, the secretary of the interior was the subject of sensational congressional hearings about how he accepted bribes from oil companies in exchange for cheap leases on land in Wyoming, and the small town of Dayton, Tennessee attracted the gaze of the nation when it put a biology teacher on trial for teaching evolution. Weird and frightening times.

    The point is not to claim that things never change. But to rely on weird and frightening events to explain historical change in a weird and frightening nation like the United States — made all the more weird and frightening by the deeply embedded engines of capitalism and evangelical Christianity — is not the most effective way to frame an historical argument. Perlstein needs a better theory.

    The years during and after the 1960s were a transformative period in American history because the cluster of social norms that had long governed American life began to give way to a new openness to different ideas, identities, and articulations of what it meant to be an American. The radical political mobilizations of the 1960s — civil rights, Black and Chicano Power, feminism, gay liberation, the antiwar movement, the legal push for secularization — destabilized the America that millions knew.

    Add to that the world-changing power of an increasingly deregulated capitalism, and the forces of modernity, long bubbling beneath the surface of American culture, were unleashed. In response, conservative, traditional, normative Americans fought back with a vengeance.

    Perlstein hints around the edges of this more encompassing theory of recent American historical transformation. He writes about how the suspicious circles were invested in “unsettling ossified norms.” And yet such analytical clarity gets lost in Perlstein’s manic narrative about Americans collectively losing their minds.

    Perhaps this is by design. Perlstein’s unspoken assumption seems to be that sane people would never have elected Ronald Reagan their president. Americans did it twice.

     
  2. OSAKA – The Hiroshima Prefectural Police said Wednesday they had no information to substantiate online rumors that foreigners were burglarizing houses in areas of the city hit hardest by last week’s deadly mudslides.

    No suspects had been arrested on suspicion of burglarizing, as of Tuesday. However, the police said that due to the rumors, they were beefing up patrols in the affected areas.

    Rumors about foreign burglars began circulating on Twitter and social media sites that espouse right-wing and often xenophobic views, soon after the heavy rains hit parts of the city on Aug. 20, leaving 70 people dead in mudslides and forcing about 1,300 people from their homes.

    time to brush up on the “十五円五十銭” pronunciation…

     
  3. i don’t watch TV. i don’t listen to kpop. i don’t know who 혜리 is.

    but how the fuck is watching females get CS’ed in a militarized setting considered ‘entertainment’???  just looking at a screencap of that program makes me thoroughly disgusted. 

     
  4. 18:22 28th Aug 2014

    Notes: 8

    Reblogged from lostintrafficlights

    Tags: korean history

     
  5. 14:00

    Notes: 3199

    Reblogged from 768110

    image: Download

    andreii-tarkovsky:

in the mood for clean! 

    andreii-tarkovsky:

    in the mood for clean! 

    (Source: romiaspirina)

     
  6. 20:56 25th Aug 2014

    Notes: 98

    Reblogged from annadoeskorea

    annadoeskorea:

    This past year has seen tensions over history between Japan and South Korea running exceptionally high, with no end yet in sight. However, while Seoul continues to criticize Tokyo for its failure to come clean over its historical atrocities, South Korea struggles with history problems of its own.

    Before and during the Korean War, the South Korean army and semi-official militias were responsible for massacres in which hundreds of thousands of civilians and political prisoners perished. Some work has been done under past governments to uncover the truth and restore the honor of the victims, but the memory of the massacres remains highly contentious and divisive. Many South Koreans do not even know they happened, and some deny they ever took place.

    This history battle goes back to the period between liberation from Japanese rule and the start of the Korean War, when the Korean peninsula was a hotbed of political struggle. Before and during the war, hundreds of thousands of civilians and suspected communists were massacred by the South Korean army and anti-communist guerilla groups. In cases like the Jeju, Yeosu and Sunchon massacres, operations aimed at suppressing communist insurgents led to the deaths of thousands of civilians. In the largest case, the Bodo League Massacre, between 100,000 and 200,000 innocent people and suspected communist sympathizers were killed in an organized effort by the state. 

    For a long time, families of the victims kept silent out of fear as being branded as “reds” by the state if they spoke up. Under the rule of liberal president Roh Moo-hyun, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was formed in 2005 despite heavy opposition from conservative groups and politicians. The commission gave many families official recognition by concluding that the death of their relative had indeed been unlawful.

    However, many conservatives criticized the commission’s work, and saw it as a tool for political campaigning directed against them. In his book The War With Memory, Kim Dong-choon, one of the former commissioners, describes how conservative groups and media outlets consistently tried to undermine their efforts. The Lee Myung-bak administration disbanded the commission when its mandate expired in 2010, but many claim that much work still remains to be done.

    “Little has happened since the [commission] disbanded, except that Presidents Lee and Park and their supporters pretend that none of this happened, not the investigation, not the massacres,” Bruce Cumings, professor of history at the University of Chicago told me in an email interview. As of this summer, victim’s families are still conducting excavations of mass graves from the massacres, on their own accord, without government support.

    Despite the commission’s work, the massacres remain left out of much of the official historical narrative. Many South Koreans have barely even heard of the massacres, which are often excluded completely from school history lessons.

    When visiting the Korean War Memorial Museum in Seoul this summer, I was unable to find even a single word about the massacres, in English or Korean. Events such as the Jeju and the Yeosu massacres are still described only in terms of communist rebellions that were quashed. Park Geun-hye’s former nominee for prime minister, Moon Chang-keuk, is among those who have claimed that the Jeju Massacre was merely a communist uprising.

    These are only a few of many examples of how the memory of the massacres is distorted or denied. Choe Hung-san is the South Korea correspondent for New York Times. In 2000, he won a Pulitzer Prize for his uncovering of the No Gun Ri Massacre during the Korean War. He has long followed how the memory of the massacres is treated in South Korea, and paints a bleak picture when I meet him in Seoul.

    “I think conservatives just wanted to shut down the commission, he says. I don’t think conservatives are willing to do more than pay lip service these days, and there have been attempts by conservative activists and newspapers to redefine the Jeju Massacre and other incidents. “

    Even in the heyday of the formal reconciliation work, the commission’s findings never garnered much attention.

    “It never really became a hot issue. Mainstream media didn’t pay much attention to the work of the commission, partly because the top mainstream newspapers are all conservative.”

    For many in the older generation, says Choe, the massacres are still a vivid memory, but the younger generation doesn’t know much about them.

    “History books don’t really teach young people about these ideologically sensitive issues, and there has been a systematic campaign by conservative scholars to stop so-called ‘progressive’ textbooks in schools. I don’t even think textbooks that ‘liberals’ approve of go into much depth about the massacres.”

    Just as in the history debacle between Japan and Korea, textbooks are a focal point in South Korea’s history battles. In an email interview, former commissioner Kim Dong-choon agrees, and says that the report of the commission was never used to feed into textbooks used in schools. The Lee Myung-bak government, he claims, instead revised textbooks in the opposite direction, to include even less information about events such as the massacres.

    Anyone know where I can find ‘The War With Memory’? Google only leads me back to this article. Is it the Korean title?

    here’s a link to the aladin page: http://www.aladin.co.kr/shop/wproduct.aspx?ISBN=8958286806

    the book’s called “이것은 기억과의 전쟁이다” (this is a war against memory)  dunno if there’s an english translation though

    (Source: dagwolf)

     
  7. 14:28

    Notes: 98

    Reblogged from dagwolf

    This past year has seen tensions over history between Japan and South Korea running exceptionally high, with no end yet in sight. However, while Seoul continues to criticize Tokyo for its failure to come clean over its historical atrocities, South Korea struggles with history problems of its own.

    Before and during the Korean War, the South Korean army and semi-official militias were responsible for massacres in which hundreds of thousands of civilians and political prisoners perished. Some work has been done under past governments to uncover the truth and restore the honor of the victims, but the memory of the massacres remains highly contentious and divisive. Many South Koreans do not even know they happened, and some deny they ever took place.

    This history battle goes back to the period between liberation from Japanese rule and the start of the Korean War, when the Korean peninsula was a hotbed of political struggle. Before and during the war, hundreds of thousands of civilians and suspected communists were massacred by the South Korean army and anti-communist guerilla groups. In cases like the Jeju, Yeosu and Sunchon massacres, operations aimed at suppressing communist insurgents led to the deaths of thousands of civilians. In the largest case, the Bodo League Massacre, between 100,000 and 200,000 innocent people and suspected communist sympathizers were killed in an organized effort by the state. 

    For a long time, families of the victims kept silent out of fear as being branded as “reds” by the state if they spoke up. Under the rule of liberal president Roh Moo-hyun, a Truth and Reconciliation Commission was formed in 2005 despite heavy opposition from conservative groups and politicians. The commission gave many families official recognition by concluding that the death of their relative had indeed been unlawful.

    However, many conservatives criticized the commission’s work, and saw it as a tool for political campaigning directed against them. In his book The War With Memory, Kim Dong-choon, one of the former commissioners, describes how conservative groups and media outlets consistently tried to undermine their efforts. The Lee Myung-bak administration disbanded the commission when its mandate expired in 2010, but many claim that much work still remains to be done.

    “Little has happened since the [commission] disbanded, except that Presidents Lee and Park and their supporters pretend that none of this happened, not the investigation, not the massacres,” Bruce Cumings, professor of history at the University of Chicago told me in an email interview. As of this summer, victim’s families are still conducting excavations of mass graves from the massacres, on their own accord, without government support.

    Despite the commission’s work, the massacres remain left out of much of the official historical narrative. Many South Koreans have barely even heard of the massacres, which are often excluded completely from school history lessons.

    When visiting the Korean War Memorial Museum in Seoul this summer, I was unable to find even a single word about the massacres, in English or Korean. Events such as the Jeju and the Yeosu massacres are still described only in terms of communist rebellions that were quashed. Park Geun-hye’s former nominee for prime minister, Moon Chang-keuk, is among those who have claimed that the Jeju Massacre was merely a communist uprising.

    These are only a few of many examples of how the memory of the massacres is distorted or denied. Choe Hung-san is the South Korea correspondent for New York Times. In 2000, he won a Pulitzer Prize for his uncovering of the No Gun Ri Massacre during the Korean War. He has long followed how the memory of the massacres is treated in South Korea, and paints a bleak picture when I meet him in Seoul.

    “I think conservatives just wanted to shut down the commission, he says. I don’t think conservatives are willing to do more than pay lip service these days, and there have been attempts by conservative activists and newspapers to redefine the Jeju Massacre and other incidents. “

    Even in the heyday of the formal reconciliation work, the commission’s findings never garnered much attention.

    “It never really became a hot issue. Mainstream media didn’t pay much attention to the work of the commission, partly because the top mainstream newspapers are all conservative.”

    For many in the older generation, says Choe, the massacres are still a vivid memory, but the younger generation doesn’t know much about them.

    “History books don’t really teach young people about these ideologically sensitive issues, and there has been a systematic campaign by conservative scholars to stop so-called ‘progressive’ textbooks in schools. I don’t even think textbooks that ‘liberals’ approve of go into much depth about the massacres.”

    Just as in the history debacle between Japan and Korea, textbooks are a focal point in South Korea’s history battles. In an email interview, former commissioner Kim Dong-choon agrees, and says that the report of the commission was never used to feed into textbooks used in schools. The Lee Myung-bak government, he claims, instead revised textbooks in the opposite direction, to include even less information about events such as the massacres.

     
  8. 10:45 22nd Aug 2014

    Notes: 15

    Reblogged from lostintrafficlights

    lostintrafficlights:

    nantajoong:

    Korean news ain’t saying shit about Ferguson.

    Aight.

    ㄴㄴ. 한겨레에서 딱 하나 그나마 제대로 된거 나왔고 나머지는 우왕 얘네 폭도에요 이런거

    한겨레기사: http://m.news.naver.com/read.nhn?mode=LSD&sid1=104&sid2=232&oid=028&aid=0002243543

    존나 matter of fact 하게 “흑인 난동” 이라고 뙇….  기레기 새끼들 클라스 어디 가나요… 딴지일보 기사 보니깐  ”우리나라에 여성 대통령이 생긴 것이랑 여권 신장이랑 아무런 상관이 없듯이, 미국에서 흑인 대통령이 탄생한 것과 흑인에 대한 차별이 사라지는 것과는 딱히 무관한 것 같다는 생각에 씁쓸한 마음이 들 뿐이다.” 라는 적절한 코멘트가…

    (Source: byungary)

     
  9. image: Download

    translation:
HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHA

    translation:

    HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHA

     
  10. 17:59 20th Aug 2014

    Notes: 2

    Increasing longevity yields large economic benefits. However, public policies do not take into account the heterogeneity in these benefits across the population. This column presents simulated experimental findings about the heterogeneity in the value of statistical life. There is heterogeneity over the life-cycle, as well as prominent ‘black-white’ and ‘female-male’ gaps in the value of life, driven by differences in the labour income across these groups. The findings suggest that one-size-fits-all policies would not correctly reflect the individual willingness to pay to reduce mortality risk.

    this is not from the onion.

     
  11. 15:19

    Notes: 13219

    Reblogged from dagwolf

    image: Download

    black-culture:

Stop demonizing riots.-@zellieimani

    black-culture:

    Stop demonizing riots.-@zellieimani

     
  12. 복무 중 사망한 군인 시신이 3년 이상 유가족에게 미인수될 경우, 강제로 화장할 수 있도록 하는 법령 개정을 국방부가 추진하고 있었다는 주장이 제기됐다. 

    국회 국방위원회 소속 새정치민주연합 김광진 의원은 18일 국방부가 이 같은 내용의 “’영현(英顯·고인의 영혼) 처리 TF(전담반)’를 운영했고 올해 말 박근혜 대통령에게 보고할 계획”이었다며 ‘장기 미인수 영현 처리 육군추진계획(A 수준)’이란 문서를 공개했다.  

    김 의원은 “밝힐 수 없는 누군가의 양심적인 제보를 통해 문서를 입수했다”며 “이 문서에 의하면 박 대통령이 지난해 광복절 기념식에서 ‘비정상의 정상화’를 정책 기조로 천명한 후 각 부처가 각각의 핵심 과제를 선정했고, 국방부는 ‘장기 미인수 영현 처리’를 유일한 ‘비정상의 정상화’ 핵심 과제로 선정해 비밀 작업해 착수했다”고 주장했다. 

    현재 군 병원 냉동고에는 ‘자살이라는 국방부 조사 결과를 믿을 수 없다’는 등의 이유로 가족이 인수를 거부하고 있는 18구의 군인 시신이 보관돼 있다. 이 계획 대로면 “현재 보관 중인 시신 18구 중 모두 15구가 당장 강제 화장의 대상이 된다”는 게 김 의원의 설명이다. 

    currently the korean army are holding 18 corpses of soldiers who died during their mandatory military service. they are still there because family members refuse to believe the army’s official claim that they are all suicides. and for family members, the bodies of their children are the only hope they have of ever getting an independent autopsy if and when the army allows it in the future.

    now the government is planning to enact a law that lets the military forcibly cremate bodies that have been preserved for more than 3 years, without obtaining family member permission. if enacted, 15 of the 18 bodies will be up for cremation immediately. so in order to get the bodies back, the families will be forced to accept the claim of suicide. under current law, it is impossible for a civilian to conduct an independent investigation into crimes or incidents that happen within the military. 

    the proposed law is a part of Dear Leader’s “key measures to normalize abnormalities(비정상의 정상화)” policy. 

    in other news, an arrest warrant was sought but rejected for one CPL Nam, who physically and sexually assaulted a junior soldier. CPL Nam is the son of the ruling party saenuri lawmaker and governor of Gyunggido Nam Gyung-pil(남경필).

     
  13. 14:25

    Notes: 4

    "stand your ground" lol

    "protection against tyranny" lol

     
  14. in case anybody missed this.

     
  15. 21:03 16th Aug 2014

    Notes: 8523

    Reblogged from lostintrafficlights

    lareinaana:

    sataniswhite:

    terarroni:

    maxamillionracism:

    Do you guys remember when White scientists were trying to develop a virus that could only kill People Of Color?

    I remember!

    Do you guys remember when White scientists were trying to develop a virus that would target…